Hello Skybrook!
It’s good to be home!
Thank you, everybody!
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you so much, thank you. Thank you. Thank you.
It’s good to be home.
Thank you.
We’re on live TV here, I’ve got to move.
You can tell that I’m a lame duck, because nobody is following instructions.
(LAUGHTER)
Everybody have a seat.
My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes that we’ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it’s my turn to say thanks.
Whether we have seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people — in living rooms and in schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant military outposts — those conversations are what have kept me honest, and kept me inspired, and kept me going. And every day, I have learned from you. You made me a better president, and you made me a better man.
So I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, and I was still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. And it was a neighborhood not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills.
It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss.
(CROWD CHANTING “FOUR MORE YEARS”)
I can’t do that.
Now this is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, and they get engaged, and they come together to demand it.
After eight years as your president, I still believe that. And it’s not just my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea — our bold experiment in self-government.
It’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.
What a radical idea, the great gift that our Founders gave to us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, and toil, and imagination — and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a common good, a greater good.
For 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom.
It’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande. It’s what pushed women to reach for the ballot. It’s what powered workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan — and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.
So that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.
Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard. It has been contentious. Sometimes it has been bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.
If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history — if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, take out the mastermind of 9-11 — if I had told you that we would win marriage equality and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens — if I had told you all that, you might have said our sights were set a little too high.
But that’s what we did. That’s what you did. You were the change. The answer to people’s hopes and, because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.
In 10 days the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy. No, no, no, no, no. The peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected President to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me.
Because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face. We have what we need to do so. We have everything we need to meet those challenges. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on earth.
Our youth, our drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention means that the future should be ours. But that potential will only be realized if our democracy works. Only if our politics better reflects the decency of our people. Only if all of us, regardless of party affiliation or particular interests help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.
And that’s what I want to focus on tonight, the state of our democracy. Understand democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders argued, they quarreled, and eventually they compromised. They expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity. The idea that, for all our outward differences, we’re all in this together, that we rise or fall as one.
There have been moments throughout our history that threatened that solidarity. And the beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality, demographic change, and the specter of terrorism. These forces haven’t just tested our security and our prosperity, but are testing our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids and create good jobs and protect our homeland.
In other words, it will determine our future. To begin with, our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity.
And the good news is that today the economy is growing again. Wages, incomes, home values and retirement accounts are all rising again. Poverty is falling again.
The wealthy are paying a fair share of taxes. Even as the stock market shatters records, the unemployment rate is near a 10-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower.
Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in 50 years. And I’ve said, and I mean it, anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system, that covers as many people at less cost, I will publicly support it.
Because that, after all, is why we serve. Not to score points or take credit. But to make people’s lives better.
But, for all the real progress that we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. Our economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class, and ladders for folks who want to get into the middle class.
That’s the economic argument. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic idea. While the top 1 percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many of our families in inner cities and in rural counties have been left behind.
The laid off factory worker, the waitress or health care worker who’s just barely getting by and struggling to pay the bills. Convinced that the game is fixed against them. That their government only serves the interest of the powerful. That’s a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.
Now there’re no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree, our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocations won’t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes a lot of good middle class jobs obsolete.
And so we’re going to have to forge a new social compact to guarantee all our kids the education they need.
To give workers the power…
… to unionize for better wages.
(CHEERS)
To update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now.
And make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and the individuals who reap the most from this new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made their very success possible.
(CHEERS)
We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don’t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.
There’s a second threat to our democracy. And this one is as old as our nation itself.
After my election there was talk of a post-racial America. And such a vision, however well intended, was never realistic. Race remains a potent…
… and often divisive force in our society.
Now I’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were 10 or 20 or 30 years ago, no matter what some folks say.
You can see it not just in statistics. You see it in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum. But we’re not where we need to be. And all of us have more work to do.
If every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and an undeserving minority, then workers of all shades are going to be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves.
If we’re unwilling to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we will diminish the prospects of our own children — because those brown kids will represent a larger and larger share of America’s workforce.
And we have shown that our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.
So if we’re going to be serious about race going forward, we need to uphold laws against discrimination — in hiring, and in housing, and in education, and in the criminal justice system.
That is what our Constitution and highest ideals require.
But laws alone won’t be enough. Hearts must change. It won’t change overnight. Social attitudes oftentimes take generations to change. But if our democracy is to work the way it should in this increasingly diverse nation, then each one of us need to try to heed the advice of a great character in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view, until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”
For blacks and other minority groups, that means tying our own very real struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face. Not only the refugee or the immigrant or the rural poor or the transgender American, but also the middle-aged white guy who from the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but has seen his world upended by economic, and cultural, and technological change.
We have to pay attention and listen.
For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ’60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment that our founders promised.
For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, and Italians, and Poles, who it was said were going to destroy the fundamental character of America. And as it turned out, America wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; these newcomers embraced this nation’s creed, and this nation was strengthened.
So regardless of the station we occupy; we all have to try harder; we all have to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family just like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.
(CHEERING)
And that’s not easy to do. For too many of us it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods, or on college campuses, or places of worship, or especially our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. In the rise of naked partisanship and increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste, all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable.
And increasingly we become so secure in our bubbles that we start accepting only information, whether it’s true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that is out there.
And this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Look, politics is a battle of ideas. That’s how our democracy was designed. In the course of a healthy debate, we prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts, without a willingness to admit new information and concede that your opponent might be making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, then we’re going to keep talking past each other.
(CROWD CHEERS)
And we’ll make common ground and compromise impossible. And isn’t that part of what so often makes politics dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on pre-school for kids, but not when we’re cutting taxes for corporations?
How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It’s not just dishonest, it’s selective sorting of the facts. It’s self-defeating because, as my mom used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.
Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, we’ve doubled our renewable energy, we’ve led the world to an agreement that (at) the promise to save this planet.
But without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the existence of climate change. They’ll be busy dealing with its effects. More environmental disasters, more economic disruptions, waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary. Now we can and should argue about the best approach to solve the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations, it betrays the essential spirit of this country, the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our founders.
(CROWD CHEERS)
It is that spirit — it is that spirit born of the enlightenment that made us an economic powerhouse. The spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral, the spirit that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket, it’s that spirit. A faith in reason and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, that allowed us to build a post-World War II order with other democracies.
An order based not just on military power or national affiliations, but built on principles, the rule of law, human rights, freedom of religion and speech and assembly and an independent press.
That order is now being challenged. First by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam. More recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who seek free markets in open democracies and civil society itself as a threat to their power.
The peril each poses to our democracy is more far reaching than a car bomb or a missile. They represent the fear of change. The fear of people who look or speak or pray differently. A contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable. An intolerance of dissent and free thought. A belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or the propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.
Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform. Because of our intelligence officers and law enforcement and diplomats who support our troops…
… no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years.
(CHEERS)
And although…
… Boston and Orlando and San Bernardino and Fort Hood remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We have taken out tens of thousands of terrorists, including Bin Laden.
(CHEERS)
The global coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed. And no one who threatens America will ever be safe.
(CHEERS)
And all who serve or have served — it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your commander-in-chief.
(CHEERS)
And we all owe you a deep debt of gratitude.
(CHEERS)
But, protecting our way of life, that’s not just the job of our military. Democracy can buckle when it gives into fear. So just as we as citizens must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are.
And that’s why for the past eight years I’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firmer legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, reformed our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties.
That’s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans…
(CHEERS)
… who are just as patriotic as we are.
(CHEERS)
That’s why…
That’s why we cannot withdraw…
That’s why we cannot withdraw from big global fights to expand democracy and human rights and women’s rights and LGBT rights.
No matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem, that’s part of defending America. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.
So let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight.
Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world — unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.
Which brings me to my final point — our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted.
All of us, regardless of party, should be throwing ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions.
When voting rates in America are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should be making it easier, not harder, to vote.
When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.
But remember, none of this happens on its own. All of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power happens to be swinging.
Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power. We, the people, give it meaning — with our participation, and with the choices that we make and the alliances that we forge.
Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law, that’s up to us. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.
In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken… to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth.”
And so we have to preserve this truth with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.
America, we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character aren’t even willing to enter into public service. So course with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are seen, not just as misguided, but as malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others.
When we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt. And when we sit back and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.
(CROWD CHEERS)
It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy. Embrace the joyous task we have been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours because, for all our outward differences, we in fact all share the same proud type, the most important office in a democracy, citizen.
Citizen. So, you see, that’s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there’s an election, not just when you own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the Internet, try talking with one of them in real life.
If something needs fixing, then lace up your shoes and do some organizing.
(CROWD CHEERS)
If you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clip board, get some signatures, and run for office yourself.
(CROWD CHEERS)
Show up, dive in, stay at it. Sometimes you’ll win, sometimes you’ll lose. Presuming a reservoir in goodness, that can be a risk. And there will be times when the process will disappoint you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been part of this one and to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America and in Americans will be confirmed. Mine sure has been.
Over the course of these eight years, I’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I have mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in a Charleston church. I’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch. I’ve seen Wounded Warriors who at points were given up for dead walk again.
I’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I’ve seen the youngest of children remind us through their actions and through their generosity of our obligations to care for refugees or work for peace and, above all, to look out for each other. So that faith that I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change, that faith has been rewarded in ways I could not have possibly imagined.
And I hope your faith has too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home, you were there with us in 2004 and 2008, 2012.
(CHEERS)
Maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.
(CHEERS)
Let me tell you, you’re not the only ones.
(LAUGHTER)
Michelle…
(CHEERS)
Michelle LaVaughn Robinson of the South Side…
(CHEERS)
… for the past 25 years you have not only been my wife and mother of my children, you have been my best friend.
(CHEERS)
You took on a role you didn’t ask for. And you made it your own with grace and with grit and with style, and good humor.
(CHEERS)
You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody.
(CHEERS)
And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model.
(CHEERS)
You have made me proud, and you have made the country proud.
(CHEERS)
Malia and Sasha…
(CHEERS)
… under the strangest of circumstances you have become two amazing young women.
(CHEERS)
You are smart and you are beautiful. But more importantly, you are kind and you are thoughtful and you are full of passion.
(CHEERS)
And…
… you wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I have done in my life, I am most proud to be your dad.
To Joe Biden…
(CHEERS)
… the scrappy kid from Scranton…
(CHEERS)
… who became Delaware’s favorite son. You were the first decision I made as a nominee, and it was the best.
(CHEERS)
Not just because you have been a great vice president, but because in the bargain I gained a brother. And we love you and Jill like family. And your friendship has been one of the great joys of our lives.
To my remarkable staff, for eight years, and for some of you a whole lot more, I have drawn from your energy. And every day I try to reflect back what you displayed. Heart and character. And idealism. I’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, start incredible new journeys of your own.
Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. You guarded against cynicism. And the only thing that makes me prouder than all the good that we’ve done is the thought of all the amazing things that you are going to achieve from here.
And to all of you out there — every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town, every kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change — you are the best supporters and organizers anybody could ever hope for, and I will forever be grateful. Because you did change the world.
You did.
And that’s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans — especially so many young people out there — to believe that you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves.
Let me tell you, this generation coming up — unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic — I’ve seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, and just, and inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America’s hallmark, that it’s not something to fear but something to embrace, you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result the future is in good hands.
My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won’t stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my remaining days. But for now, whether you are young or whether you’re young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your president — the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.
I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change — but in yours.
I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written: Yes, we can.
Yes, we did.
Yes, we can.
Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America. Thank you.
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奥巴马：美国第一位非洲裔总统
贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马，1961年8月4日出生于美国夏威夷州，美国民主党籍政治家，第44任美国总统。他是首位拥有黑人血统并且童年在亚洲成长的美国总统，还是唯一一位向穆斯林国家表示友善的美国总统。1991年，奥巴马在哈佛大学获得了“极优等”法律博士学位。2007年2月，正式宣布参加2008年美国总统竞选并于当年顺利当选。2009年，奥巴马获得诺贝尔和平奖。2012年11月6日，第57届美国总统大选中，奥巴马击败共和党候选人罗姆尼，成功连任。
·我们就是我们正在寻找的变化!
·如果你选择的道路正确，并且能坚持不懈地走下去，那么最终你会成功的!
·我们的国家也许从不完美，但一代又一代人的奋斗表明，它总能不断走向完美。
·你的未来，并不取决于你现在的生活有多好或多坏。没有人为你编排好你的命运，在美国，你的命运由你自己书写，你的未来由你自己掌握。
·哪怕你表现不好，哪怕你失去信心，哪怕你觉得身边的人都已经放弃了你——永远不要自己放弃自己。因为当你放弃自己的时候，你也放弃了自己的国家。
·虽然这些真理也许不言自明，但它们从不会自动生效;虽然自由是来自上帝的礼物，但它必须由地球上的子民们去争取。
·一个伟大的国家必须照顾弱者，并保护他们不受到生活最恶劣的伤害和不幸。
·哪怕这一切都达到最好，哪怕我们有最尽职的教师、最好的家长和最优秀的学校，假如你们不去履行自己的责任的话，那么这一切努力都会白费——除非你每天准时去上学，除非你认真地听老师讲课，除非你把父母、长辈和其他大人们说的话放在心上，除非你肯付出成功所必需的努力，否则这一切都会失去意义。
曾国藩：治世与自省
曾国藩，初名子城，字伯涵，号涤生，汉族，出生于湖南长沙府湘乡县杨树坪(现属湖南省娄底市双峰县荷叶镇)。晚清重臣，湘军的创立者和统帅。中国近代军事家、理学家、政治家、书法家、文学家，晚清散文“湘乡派”创立人。“晚清四大名臣”之一，官至两江总督、直隶总督、武英殿大学士，封一等毅勇侯，谥曰文正。他无疑是中国历史上极具争议的人物之一，肯定者誉其为“千古第一完人”，谓其立德、立功、立言，“三不朽”，谓其成就震古烁今;否定者则谓其为“吾祖民贼”“民族罪人”，谓其愚诚而不顾民族大义。孰是孰非，历史自有评说。
曾国藩语录
·治军之道，总以能战为第一义，能爱民为第二义，能和协上下为第三义。
·终身让人道，从不失寸步。
·大处着眼，小处着手;群居守口，独居守心。
·不贪财，不失信，不自是，有此三省，自然人皆敬重。
·胸怀广大，须从“平淡”二字用功。凡人我之际，须看得平。功名之际，须看得淡，庶几胸怀日阔。
·人之制性，当如堤防之治水，常恐其漏坏之易。若不顾其泛滥，一倾而不可复也。
【腹有诗书气自华】
曾国藩的治世与自省
梁启超对曾氏倾心推崇，称“吾谓曾文正集，不可不日三复也”。梁在《曾文正公嘉言钞》序内指曾国藩：“岂惟近代，盖有史以来不一二睹之大人也已;岂惟我国，抑全世界不一二睹之大人也已。然而文正固非有超群绝伦之天才，在并时诸贤杰中称最钝拙;其所遭值事会，亦终生在拂逆之中;然乃立德、立功、立言三不朽，所成就震古烁今，而莫与京者，其一生得力在立志自拔于流俗，而困而知，而勉而行，历百千艰阻而不挫屈;不求近效，铢积寸累，受之以虚，将之以勤，植之以刚，贞之以恒，帅之以诚……”
民国著名的清史学家萧一山在《清代通史》中将曾国藩与左宗棠对比：“国藩以谨慎胜，宗棠以豪迈胜。”中国现代史上两位著名人物毛泽东和蒋介石都高度评价过曾国藩。毛泽东青年时期，潜心研究曾氏文集，得出了“愚于近人，独服曾文正”的结论，即使在毛泽东晚年，他还曾说：曾国藩是地主阶级最厉害的人物。蒋介石对曾氏更是顶礼膜拜，认为曾国藩为人之道“足为吾人之师资”。他把《曾胡治兵语录》当作教导高级将领的教科书，自己又将《曾文正公全集》常置案旁，终生拜读不辍。据说，他点名的方式、静坐养生的方法，都一板一眼模仿曾国藩。曾国藩的个人魅力，由此可见一斑。
在严重的内忧外患而大多数士大夫沉湎于义理考据之时，曾国藩能独立时代潮流，把握风云际会，并且汲取中国传统文化的精华，继承和发扬林则徐、魏源的经世致用之学，大力倡导学习西方，开展自强新生政运动，从而成为中国近代化的风云人物。
曾国藩是中国历史上真正积极实践的第一人。在他的指导下，建造中国第一艘轮船，开启近代制造业的先河;建立第一所兵工学堂，肇始中国近代高等教育;第一次翻译印刷西方书籍，不仅奠定了近代中国科技基础，而且极大地开阔了中国人的眼界;安排第一批赴美留学生，为国家培养了大批栋梁之材，其中民国第一任总理唐绍仪、中国“铁路之父”詹天佑、清末外交部尚书(部长)梁敦彦、清华大学第一任校长唐国安等就是此中佼佼者。
中国自古就有立功(完成大事业)、立德(成为世人的精神楷模)、立言(为后人留下学说)“三不朽”之说，而真正能够实现者却寥若星辰，曾国藩就是其中之一。他打败太平天国，保住了大清江山，是清朝的“救命恩人”;他“匡救时弊”、整肃政风、学习西方文化，使晚清出现了“同治中兴”;他克己唯严，崇尚气节，标榜道德，身体力行，获得上下一致的拥戴;他的学问文章兼收并蓄，博大精深，是近代儒家宗师，“其著作为任何政治家所必读”(蒋介石)，实现了儒家修身、齐家、治国平天下“三不朽”事业，不愧为“中华千古第一完人”。
“从政要学曾国藩，经商要学胡雪岩”。自近代以来曾国藩就被政界人物奉为“官场楷模”。这是因为，第一，他升官最快，三十七岁官至二品，在清朝独一人;第二，做官最好，政声卓著，治民有言;第三，官位最稳，历尽宦海风波而安然无恙，荣宠不衰。他熟读中国历史，对官场之道参深悟透，积淀一整套官场绝学，用之于中国官场，攻无不克，战无不胜。
曾国藩是最好的儿子，能使父母宽心;是最好的哥哥，教导和照顾弟妹，体贴入微;曾国藩更是仁慈的父亲，是儿女的好榜样。他的《家书》讲求人生理想、精神境界和道德修养，在骨肉亲情日渐淡漠、邻里亲戚形同陌路的现代社会里，确实有劝世化俗的价值，值得每个人一读。大多数官宦之家，盛不过三代，而曾氏家族却代代有英才，出现了像曾纪泽、曾广均、曾约农、曾宝荪、曾宪植、曾昭抡等一批著名的外交家、诗人、教育家、科学家和高级干部。
曾国藩在同辈士大夫中“属中等”，颇为钝拙，但他志向远大、性格倔强、意志超强，勤学好问，非常人所能及。他从少年起，就“困知勉行，立志自拔于流俗”，天天写
曾国藩具有高深的学问素养，是一个“办事(干出事业)兼传教(留下思想学说)之人”(毛泽东)。《清史稿——曾国藩传》也说：“国藩事功大于学问，善以礼运。”他一生勤奋读书，推崇儒家学说，讲求经世致用的实用主义，成为继孔子、孟子、朱熹之后又一个“儒学大师”;他革新新桐城派的文章学理论，其
【操千曲而后晓声】
真正聪明的人
都是下笨功夫
湘乡流传着这样一个笑话，说是曾国藩在家读书，一篇短短的文章，朗读了多少篇还背不下来。一小偷本想等他入睡之后偷窃。可是左等右等，就是不见他睡。小偷忍无可忍，跳出来大叫：“这种笨脑袋，读什么书!”这个笑话并非毫无根据。曾氏一族的天资并不出色。曾国藩的父亲曾麟书笨得出名，一生考了十七次秀才，一直到四十三岁，才勉强过关。
但另一方面，曾国藩又是个极为“精明”的人。
他是一个高明的军事家、战略家。太平军起，举国束手无策。只有他独辟蹊径，以超人之胆识创立湘军。在从皇帝到大臣或急于求成，或悲观绝望，满朝如无头苍蝇，纷无定计之际，曾国藩提出了“以上制下、取建瓴之势”的平定太平军战略，即“争夺武昌，控制长江中游，再指向九江、安庆，进而攻陷天京”。事后证明，这是一个极为高明的'战略，清王朝正是在这个战略指导下取得了最后的胜利。
他非常善于审时度势。自古功臣，像他这样善于把握进退者不多。剿灭太平军之后，他的功名事业如日中天，此时他却极度冷静，在大盛之中察觉大衰的先召，毅然上疏请求辞去节制四省的大权，并采取果断手段，裁撤自己的权力之本——湘军。他一生出将入相，没有大的挫跌，在传统官场上像他这样的成功者并不多见。
他深通官场韬略，官场功夫如同太极高手，善于化解种种难题于无形之中。曾国藩的秘书赵烈文的日记中记载了这样一个细节：曾国荃攻打南京不下之际，朝廷令李鸿章协助进攻。李鸿章一方面不想夺了曾家兄弟的首功，向曾家邀功买好;另一方面又想把抗旨之责推给曾氏，因此私下到处解释，做了很多小动作。
而曾国藩的对策是回复给皇帝一道辞气卑约的奏折，坚请派李鸿章前来，不望有功，但求无过，言语恳挚，不温不火。相形之下，李氏的小算盘一目了然。赵烈文评价说，曾国藩的手段，平直无奇，却实高于李数倍。
仅举此就可看出，曾氏的“精明”已臻最高层次，实非常人可比。正是与众不同的“笨拙”，成就了曾国藩非同一般的精明和高明。曾国藩的人生哲学很独特，那就是尚“拙”。他说：“天下之至拙，能胜天下之至巧。”
曾国藩能够打通科举这条路，靠的完全是“笨劲”。父亲要求他，不读懂上一句，不读下一句。不读完这本书，不摸下一本书。不完成一天的学习任务，绝不睡觉。他不懂什么“技巧”，什么“捷径”，只知道一条路走到黑，不撞南墙不回头。这种“笨拙”的学习方式，在他身上培养起超乎常人的勤奋、吃苦、踏实精神。
积苦力学的经历给了曾国藩独特的启示，他发现笨拙有笨拙的好处。笨拙的人没有智力资本，因此比别人更虚心;笨拙的人从小接受挫折教育，因此抗击打能力特别强;笨拙的人不懂取巧，遇到问题只知硬钻过去，因此不留死角。相反，那些有小聪明的人不愿下“困勉之功”，遇到困难绕着走，基础打得松松垮垮。所以，“拙”看起来慢，其实却是最快，因为这是扎扎实实的成功，不留遗弊。
虽然曾国藩考秀才考了九年，但是一旦开窍之后，后面的路就越来越顺。中了秀才的第二年，他就中了举人，又四年，高中进士。而那些早早进了学的同学，后来却连举人也没出来一个。他总结自身
曾国藩打仗靠的也是笨拙精神。曾国藩一生善打愚战、笨战，不善打巧战。
他打仗不贪小利，不求奇谋，踏踏实实，稳扎稳打。他说：“打仗要打个‘稳’字。”他一生不打无准备、无把握之仗。他花极大心血去研究敌我双方情况、战斗的部署、后勤供应、出现不利情况如何救援等等，指导每个环节都算到了，算透了，才下定打仗的决心。
曾国藩一生待人接物更是以诚为本，以拙为用。他一生要求自己“不说大话，不求虚名”，做事“情愿人占我的便益(宜)断不肯我占人的便益(宜)”。别人以巧以伪欺骗他，他却仍然以诚以拙相待。
左宗棠在“瑜亮情绪”的促使下，一生不服曾国藩，始则挖苦打击，终则以怨报德，曾国藩却终生未还一手。李鸿章作为他的弟子，也时常和他耍心眼、逞私心。曾国藩却因为爱李之才，始终不改对李鸿章的关心、爱护、包容、提携。李鸿章因此终生感激涕零，到晚年更开口不离“我老师”三个字。因为这种质朴的为人处世方式，曾国藩一生朋友极多，麾下谋士如云、猛将如雨，指挥如意，得道多助，成就了“洪杨一役”的最终胜利。
当然，曾国藩最有意义的“笨拙”，还是他的思维方式，正是“扎实彻底”的思维方式，使曾国藩避免了几千年来“中国式思维”的局限和弱点。
每遇到一件事，曾国藩都要从正反两方面去看，反复琢磨，细细分析。而“正”“反”这两个方面，他也要进行细分，把“正”面再分两面，分析它的正反。同理，“负”面也自有其正反。他把这件事中包含的每一个因素都研究到位，不使其有一点含混不清之处。这样分析下去，对这件事物就会观察得分外透彻。
曾国藩说自己“天分不甚高明，专赖学问以求精明”。曾国藩一生经历过千难万险，处理过无数大事，大体都很得当。其过人之处就是不怕费心费力，对事物进行不留死角的深入分析。在对事物进行了精心分析的基础上，再找出要害，把握关键。每次处理完了之后，还要总结经验教训，为下一次作参考。
曾国藩的精明，就是建立在这样的笨拙之上，这样的绞尽脑汁、殚精竭虑之上的。确实，“笨”到极致就是“聪明”，“拙”到极点就成了“巧”。
【问渠那得清如许】
选将以德，治军以礼
曾国藩的湘军是一支很有特色的军队。他把选将作为治军第一要务，“行军之道，择将为先”。他的选将标准是德才兼备、智勇双全。德在首位，并把德的内涵概括为“忠义血性”。在这种思想的指导下，曾国藩所选择的将领大多是儒生士子，因为他认为儒生士子受封建礼教熏陶又少官场恶习。这在历代军事史上都是罕见的。此外，曾国藩主张用儒家学说治军，即用封建伦理纲常去教育官兵，以“仁礼忠信”作为治军之本去陶冶官兵，以此来维系军心，培植出一支绝对服从于自己的私家军队。“用兵者必先自治，而后制敌”，这也是曾国藩的用兵秘诀。
处世以穷，交友以诚
曾国藩在交友处世方面颇有见地，为世人所推崇。在处世方面，曾国藩认为“处此乱世，愈穷愈好”，此言道人所未道，富有见地。他身居高官，“总以钱少产薄为妙”。他为人着意于一“淡”字，“不持富贵功名及身家之顺逆，子姓之旺否悉由天定，即学问德行之成立与否，亦大半关乎天事，一概笑而忘之”。他在官威最盛时，却践行“功成身退，愈急愈好”，急流勇退，令世人惊叹。在交友方面，他认为交友贵雅量，要“推诚守正，委曲含宏，而无私意猜疑之弊”。与人相处，他提倡，“凡事不可占人半点便宜。不可轻取人财”，同时，他坚持集思广益，兼听而不失聪。这些基本上概括了他的处世交友之道。
笨小孩有大智慧
曾国藩天资并不高，甚至可以说是比较笨。可这就是曾国藩的厉害之处。他自己的学习方法是：一篇未读完，不读下一篇;一本未读遍，不看下一本。正是以这种笨到极点的方法，他成为了清未最大的儒学家，也成就了曾国藩一家的百年大业，真可谓“笨到极点是极智”。
【绝知此事要躬行】
请运用曾国藩这个人物素材，围绕“学习胜在扎实慢进”“至拙是精明的最高境界”“谋划在先，行动在后”三个话题，各写一个200字左右的语段。
作者简介
奥普拉·温弗瑞：
通过当代传媒的力量，奥普拉·温弗瑞与世界各地的人们建立了无以伦比的联结。在25年间，作为超高收视率并屡屡获奖的“奥普拉脱口秀”节目主持人和制片人，奥普拉·温弗瑞启发并鼓励了全球数百万观众。如今的她，由于全球媒体领导者和慈善家的身份，成为了最受人尊重和仰慕的公众人物之一。
目录
自序/1
欢愉/001
坚韧/033
羁绊/057
感恩/083
可能性/115
惊奇/145
澄明/181
力量/213[2]
内容简介
奥普拉·温弗瑞的《我坚信》(WhatIKnowForSure)是奥普拉本人的文字第一次出版成书，是她在杂志《奥普拉》上专栏文字的精选结集。国内正版引进。在这本书里，奥普拉从一个记者朋友的提问开始，回顾自己一生的奋斗，她真诚地问自己，也真诚地回答，经过了这么多事情，我真正相信的是什么?永远会坚持的是什么?奥普拉一生的成就辉煌，也充满了坎坷。在这本书里，她直面内心的敏感和脆弱，回忆往事的波澜涌动，也回望生活的那些细腻的幸福瞬间。每一个关键词，都是一生奋斗坚持经验的总结。她说，她每天做的事情，都是在为阅读时间做准备。她觉得最幸福最平静的时间，就是坐在那棵大树下阅读。她希望这本书也带给你力量和平静。
奥普拉语录
我坚信，一顿能给你带来真正快乐的美餐，不论从短期还是长远来看，都比你站在厨房里翻着橱柜和冰箱里的果腹食物对你有益得多。
我坚信的是，我不想活出个闭塞的人生——麻木到感受不到、看不到。我想要每一天都是新的开始，去探索一切的可能性，去体验每一种层次的快乐。
我坚信的是，阅读能让你的心胸更开阔。它能让你暴露在外，给你机会接触任何你头脑里能抓住的东西。我对阅读最爱的是：它能让你拥有上升到更高境界的能力，并让你继续攀登。
我坚信，如果你把自己的幸福付诸他人，那你就是在浪费时间。你肯定非常勇敢无畏，才能给予你自己那些不曾获得的爱。你要开始注意到，每一天都将带来新的机会让你成长。
我坚信，我们直面的每一个挑战都有把我们击倒的力量，但比打击本身更令人不安的是，我们害怕自己无法承受它。当我们觉察到脚下的大地震动起来时，就会惊慌失措，忘记自己知道的一切，只让恐惧攫住我们。只想一想可能会发生什么就足够让我们失去平衡。
我坚信，不论你面临着怎样的挑战，你都得记住，你人生的画布是由每天的经历、行为、反应和情感涂抹的，你才是画笔的主人。如果我在21岁时就明白这个道理，我就会为自己省去很多伤心和自我怀疑。
我坚信，当你的婚姻触礁，当你失去了一份能证明自己的工作，当你一直倚赖的人背弃了你，毫无疑问的是，改变你对自己状况的思考方式是改变这一切的关键。我坚信，所有障碍都有意义，能否敞开心扉从这些挑战中学习，就是成功和被困之间的差距。
我坚信这一点：你将会成为什么人，只会由你现在身处何处来决定。所以，学会欣赏你的教训、错误和失利，把它们当成踏脚石走向未来，这才清晰地标志着你前进的方向是正确的。
我坚信的是，缺乏亲密感并非是跟别人有距离，而是对自己漠不关心。的确，我们都需要那种能让我们更牢固地支撑着我们的关系的东西。但能确定的是，如果你在寻找一个人来治愈你、完善你——能让你内心那个总是耳语着你什么都配不上的声音闭嘴，那你就是在浪费时间。
我坚信的是，爱就在你周围。爱和被爱是可能的，不管你身处何处。爱存在于各种形式之中，有时我走进自己的前院，都能感觉到所有的树木散发出爱来。对于任何想要它的人，它总是存在的。
我坚信的是，如果你能11天跟一个朋友在拥挤的空间里待着，最终都活了下来还能大笑，你们的友谊就是真挚的。
我坚信的是，当我们最终分析自己的人生时、当待做事项已经不再存在、当狂乱已经结束、当我们的电邮收件箱全空了的时候——还能继续有价值的唯一一件事就是，我们是否爱过他人，他人是否爱过我们。
我坚信，欣赏人生中出现的所有一切会改变你的整个世界。如果你能意识到自己获得的善，而不纠结于没得到的，你就会为自己散发和制造出善来。
我坚信，如果你每天抽点时间来感恩，结果会让你大吃一惊的。
我坚信，任何时候都充满感恩并不容易，但就是在你最不觉得要感恩的时候，你才最需要感恩能给予你的，从另一个不同的角度。感恩能转变任何状况，它能改变你的气场，把你的负能量转化为正能量。这是改变你人生最快捷、最简单也最有力的方法——我坚信这一点。
我坚信的是，当你可以充满爱意和感激地与你的身体和好，就完全没必要跟它抗争了。
我坚信的是，给予比得到有更多的乐趣，没什么能比我送得好，收礼人又收得开心的礼物更能让我高兴的了。我能真诚地说，我给出去的礼物给我带来的幸福感和它给收礼人带去的幸福感一样。我感受着，给予着。
我坚信，只有全心接受自己，你才能真正实现人生的圆满。我对任何相信自己能变成从前那个人的人表示抱歉，通往你最精彩人生的道路不是否定，而是珍视每一个时刻，为当时、当下刻下自己的烙印。
我坚信的是，你最恐惧的事情并没有什么力量——恐惧本身才充满力量。事情本身无法真正伤害你，但恐惧能把你的一生都毁掉。每一次，只要你向它投降，你就会失去力量，而恐惧则能获得更多的力量。所以，你必须下定决心，不管前面的路看上去有多艰辛，你都要冲破焦虑的阻碍，不断地迈步。
我坚信的是，你生来不是要变得渺小的，而是要成长壮大的，变得更精彩无比，变得更无与伦比，利用每一刻充盈你自己。
我坚信的是，不管你现在所处的情形是什么样的，你自己都是制造它的主因。你用自己的每一种经历建造起了这个人生，每一个思绪、每一个选择。而在这些思绪和选择之下隐藏着的，是你心灵最深处的意愿。所以，我做出任何决定之前都会问自己最关键的问题：我真正的意愿是什么?
我坚信的是，我们人生中最重要的冒险不一定非得是攀登最高峰，或是走遍全世界。你能得到的最大的振奋感应该是实现了自己的人生梦想。
我坚信，财富是能给你更多选择的工具，但绝不能弥补一个不完满的人生，也绝不可能在你内心中创造出一片宁静来。活着最关键的一点就是，变成你本该成为的人，不断地在自我中成长，并成为新的自我。
我坚信，每一天都蕴含着用惊奇的双眼去看世界的可能性。
我坚信，我越是年岁渐长，就越无法容忍那些琐碎而肤浅的追求。有种财富与金钱毫不相干，它只有从关注自己人生的智慧和洞察中得来。它可以教会你所有的一切。我坚信的是，学习这些的快乐就是最伟大的奖赏。
我坚信的是，能够在这个美丽的世间活着是个极赞的恩典。我希望自己在世间的日子能尽可能明亮无比。
我坚信，当然，没人能够预测未来，但我坚信意愿的力量。我的意愿就是将每一年都当成拥有许多伟大未来的一年。我不相信世界末日，我希望能完成自己的职责，不管是对自己还是对这个世界，都带来一种改变，能让我们活得更真实、更有爱、更依赖直觉、更充满创造性、更精诚合作。这就是我对精神进化的理解，这就是我对精神革命的理解!
我坚信这一点：自然之力是为着我们的，赐予我们充沛的生命。我们人类把本是一块敞开的奇迹和庄严之地缩小到日常经历现实中，但即使在平常，也有非同寻常的时刻。
我坚信，首先得弄清楚自己是谁，我才能战胜“讨好”这一疾病。当我接受了我是个不错的、善良的、慷慨的人这一事实之后，不论我是同意帮忙还是拒绝，就不用再通过其他方式证明任何事了。
我坚信，你不可能给予连你自己都没拥有的东西。如果你让自己枯竭到了某种程度，你的感情和精神的油箱都空空荡荡，只能靠着习惯这一燃料前行时，每个人都不可能从中得到任何好处，特别是你自己。
我坚信的是，你的呼吸就是你的锚，是上天赐予你的礼物——赐予我们大家的礼物，能让我们在眼下这一刻回到我们的中心。不论何时，只要我遭遇到任何一丝的紧张感，我就会停下来，深吸一口气，然后呼出去。
我坚信，当你内心的GPS系统不太对劲时，肯定有麻烦等着你，你的直觉就是你的指南针。在高空中，我重新学会了不去理会各种繁杂琐事，而专注于自己心声的重要性。
我坚信，你绝不可能只给予其他人，却不回馈自己。最终你会变得空洞，即使不那么糟糕，你也还是会变得不如你本来可能在工作上、家庭里和自身可以实现的状态。让你的生命之井重新充满吧，为了你自己。
我坚信，拥有最好的东西无法取代拥有最好的人生。当你能抛弃所获得的欲望，才能知道自己真的上路了。
我坚信，一个小小的恢复就能起很大的作用。给自己一点儿时间，这么做我一丁点儿负疚感都没有，因为我正在给自己加油。这样等到下一个阶段开始时，我就已经为即将来临的一切做足了准备，完全恢复了状态。
我坚信，照料好你的身体，不管怎么照料，都是一种投资，而它的回报则是无价的。我坚信，我们不是我们身体的奴隶，更不是我们为自己身体制造出来的形象的奴隶。
我坚信，我们老想着的内容就是我们会变成的样子——一个女人思考着，她便存在着。如果我们一个小时接一个小时地吸收那些不能反映我们之出色的形象和信息，难怪我们会觉得自己的生机和活力被抽干了呢。如果我们每周都看着几十种不同的残忍行为，也就难怪孩子们会把暴力当成一种可行的手段来解决冲突。
我坚信，如果你用你能得到的东西来定义自己，而不是去了解自己到底需要什么才能开心满足，你不仅是超过自己的限度活着，或过度拉伸自我，你其实是活在谎言中。
我坚信，只有当你没有太过挥霍时，才会更加享受一切。以下就是何时你会知道自己买东西很明智：你买回家一件东西，一点儿也不后悔，不管你买的是什么，买回去十天之后，你比刚买的时候还为这东西高兴。
我坚信，你得不断地关照自己的头脑、身体和心灵，才能过上本该有的生活。当它们三个都全力以赴时，你就能实现自己在这世间的全部潜能。
